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Антикапиталистически карнавал в Квебек сити

Снимка: Ройтерс
Около 3000 души протестираха в четвъртък вечер по улиците на канадския град Квебек, където вчера бе открита третата общоамериканска среща на високо равнище, предаде АФП. Основни организатори на протестите са движенията "Сбор за антикапиталистическа борба" и "Комитет по посрещането на американската среща на върха". Кулминация на протестите трябва да бъде "Антикапиталистическият карнавал".

В "срещата на Америките" участват 34 държавни глави на страни от Северна и Южна Америка. Това са всички американски държави без Куба, която не получи покана. Участниците ще обсъдят идеята за създаване на Американска зона за свободна търговия, която да се простира от Канада до Чили и да обхваща 800 милиона души.
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СЕГА Форум - Мнения: 
21 Април 2001 05:19
Mnogo dobre obache beha si zabravili butilki s benzin.Drug nachin s policijata nema.Tova mlado pokolenie ne znae kak da se bie s chingetata.
21 Април 2001 16:48
Стар хъш,
Що не си гледаш работата? Виждал ли си изобщо ченге на живо? Ако не знаеш как се инсталира кирилица, мога да ти помогна. И да те светна на някои номера за отношенията със силовите органи.
21 Април 2001 23:47
Re-politicizing the Violence of Globalization and Free Trade
Ajay Gandhi 2001-04-18

The chain link fence is up, steel and concrete 13 feet high and 3 kilometres long. A military presence unprecedented in Canadian history, comprising over 6000 policemen, and hundreds of riot police and deputized foreign security personnel is now a reality. Police snipers, surveillance teams, and restrictions on civilian movement will buttress this security buildup. National and international police forces have infiltrated target groups and are monitoring their communications. Ominously, an entire jail has been emptied of its criminals in preparation for an influx of new inmates. What great danger could inspire such planning and cost? For what reason could such an immense coordination of state, corporate and police institutions be justified? The international drug trade, a dangerous rogue state in the Middle East, or perhaps an impending invasion or war?

Actually, something the Canadian government deems to be a greater danger: a well-organized and vocal collection of students, workers, activists, artists and concerned citizens, converging this week on Quebec City for the Summit of the Americas. The heads of all 34 countries in the western hemisphere (except Cuba) are meeting from April 20-22 to discuss the proposed implementation of the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas (FTAA). Canada, which deems itself to be the proud champion of democracy, human rights, and development, seems to be adopting a hypocritical attitude towards activists and protestors.

Placed within the larger social and political context however, such repressive actions on the part of the nation-state are predictable and indicative of contemporary political life in western "democratic" countries. The proposed FTAA follows two decades of economic liberalization and globalization, its models being recent free-trade agreements, especially the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) between Canada, the United States and Mexico, and treaties in forums such as the World Trade Organization (WTO). NAFTA and the proposed FTAA are two of the pillars upon which a new political and economic architecture is being constructed. The main beneficiaries are multinational corporations able to take advantage of weaker labour markets, diminished tariff barriers, simplified regulatory conditions, and easier access to resources, to quickly manipulate economic conditions for profit. Not surprisingly, free trade's defining elements are: the privatization of public goods in health, education, and social development, which encourages a "free" and "fair" playing field for corporations; the deregulation or dismantling of national and international laws and policies perceived to block the efficient movement of capital and goods; and nations' increasing encouragement of foreign investment.

The FTAA has been vigorously advocated by Canada to poorer countries in the southern hemisphere as a panacea for corruption, stagnation, and underdevelopment. Government, media and business pundits pronounce favourably on increased growth and generously offer to extend the free trade club to countries in the south. Curiously, given that NAFTA and similar treaties are such beneficial agreements, Canada, like all democratic nations negotiating economic liberalization, refuses to let the public view a draft of the FTAA, although corporate partners have had significant input into its current form. And yet large and increasing numbers of people are questioning and resisting economic agreements struck by unseen and unelected bureaucrats, and forged with unaccountable corporations, of which the FTAA is the latest example. Hundreds of such individuals have congregated in Quebec City this week for the second People's Summit (the first was in Santiago, Chile during the first Summit of the Americas), held just before the FTAA meetings commence this weekend. The individuals and NGO's representing labour, women's, environmental, and human rights movements from Canada, the United States, Brazil, Ecuador, Costa Rica, Mexico, and elsewhere carry a plethora of research to debunk conventional liberalization and globalization arguments.

Several damning case studies were recounted in the Human Rights, Women's, Environmental, Labour, and Agrarian Forums this week. The most alarming effects of NAFTA are Chapter 11 provisions under which large multinational corporations such as Ethyl and Federal Express have filed lawsuits against the Canadian government. NAFTA's Chapter 11 provision is thought to be one of the cornerstones of the proposed FTAA because of its ability to penalize governments seen to be acting against corporate interests unfairly; despite the rhetoric of justice and fair play, such regulations in economic liberalization agreements are forcing governments to roll back environmental, health and labour regulations, creating a rush to the bottom of minimal standards for economic activity so that countries are at a "competitive advantage". In the Ethyl case, the Canadian government lost at a closed NAFTA arbitration panel and was forced to give Ethyl $13 million, apologize, and roll back its offending regulations, in this case an environmental ban against Ethyl's gasoline additive MMT, a scientifically proven toxin hazardous to human health.

One hardly needs to mention the other key words of disaster spawned by NAFTA: malidiquoras, Mexico's free trade zones in which living standards are nonexistent, and human rights abuses against workers regularly occur, especially against women; real wages, steadily declining for Mexican workers since NAFTA was implemented in 1991; economic and political dependency, on the US market, allowing American cycles of investment and labour needs to govern Mexican and Canadian economies; guaranteed supply- NAFTA contains provisions in which Canada, in exchange for access to the US market, must continually supply resources regardless of social or environmental harm, including oil, gas, timber- and water!

Thus, politicians' apparently sincere promises of increased prosperity, freedom, stability, and development through free trade have produced the exact opposite: economic dependency and despair, increased corruption and conflict, social disintegration, and the elimination of communally accessible goods. The free trade discourse of productivity and transparency exists only for corporations using its restrictive mechanisms against unwilling populations and governments to create the conditions necessary to their wealth creation. In short, economic measures said to encourage democracy and prosperity are actually promoting violence against often marginalized populations and vulnerable environments. Although free trade proponents are backed up by an apparatus of "rational" experts who speak in the language of "objective" economic science, the globalization opponents congregating in Quebec City are piercing free trades' logic with great effect, and revealing its contradictions, imbalances, absurdities, concealments and dangers.

How is such resistance being forged? Along with the large amount of research conducted over the past decade, individuals and NGO's carry testimonials of the violence that NAFTA has done to marginalized communities and remote environments throughout the Americas- to be perpetuated through the expanded FTAA. In particular, the second People's Summit has provided a dynamic forum for diverse constituencies to converge and find common ground for struggles that must work both locally and across borders to fight against economic agreements that operate simultaneously in multiple locations. The greatest weapon against pro-globalization forces, which also builds solidarity among activists, is that of the narrative; only the story, told from first person experience as free trade's victim and target can disturb the dangerous machinery of economic globalization.

To give only a few examples from the People's Summit: Gloria Chicaiza from Action Ecologica in Ecuador is speaking at a workshop on Natural Resource Depletion at the Environmental Forum. She explains the usefulness of the Ecological Debt concept as a way to make corporations accountable, insofar as the social and environmental costs of resource extraction and use, in the prevailing economic model, are left outside the cost of commodities, and not reflected in corporate profit totals- to be absorbed instead by already fragile landscapes and marginal populations. Gloria says that Ecological Debt is the "perspective of our action because it allows a critique of a development model" that treats rural communities as leftover garbage, and polluted landscapes as extraneous-and unseen-economic factors. She notes that the Kosan indigenous peoples of Ecuador have had their land divided and polluted by Texaco in the last several years, which has built extensive oil wells on their traditional land. Although the Kosan were compensated when Texaco operations released oil into important waterways, they refused when Texaco began violating the spirits residing in particular boulders and land areas. Gloria notes that the way "the Kosan drew a line at the killing of their spirits" and refused to participate in Texaco's "development" provides one of the strongest arguments against the ransacking of resources in Ecuador and elsewhere.

Later, Romeo Sanganash, a Cree lawyer and activist from northern Quebec speaks about the long standing conflict between several thousand Crees in Northern Quebec and the southern governments and corporations that have invaded their land and appropriated their resources, most infamously with the construction of the James Bay hydroelectric dam project in the early 1970s. At the time, Crees were told that "they had no rights to the land" and seen by Hydro-Quebec and the government as a "restricting factor" for development; quickly, Cree territory, managed and owned for over 5000 years was subjected to mining, forestry, and dam-related flooding. Romeo notes that his territory cannot be compared to that in the south- "the North has its own features, own people, own history, and is not just a resource to be used by the south". Ultimately, he notes, the Crees are allied with the anti-globalization movement not only because they share the same goals of achieving sustainable development, and protection of human rights. The Cree's most important claim in asserting self-determination is that they are not merely "restricting factors" but self-governing nations that are fighting their very erasure as a people- inevitable if current economic and development policies continue.

Beyond the People's Summit forums, the police are busy finalizing preparations for the incoming heads of state to be present at the Summit of the Americas. By now it is a clichй to note that the Quebec City summit has turned into an autocratic, militaristic operation, perhaps unintentionally revealing the grotesque violence enacted through free trade and globalization, and unleashed here upon citizens exercising their right to democratic dissent, as in previous instances in Seattle and Prague.

Both at globalization meetings where free trade is negotiated, and the numerous sites- farms, streets, forests- where citizens confront globalization everyday, the dominant economic discourse propelling the world economy is often absurd and incomprehensible. Matthew Coon Come, National Chief of the Assembly of First Nations in Canada, and leader of Cree opposition to further hydroelectric development in northern Quebec noted during a People's Summit session that the logic of globalization runs counter to our logical human impulses: "My grandmother prophesized that the rivers would be made to flow backward. Now that place where she said this is clear-cut- a desert, a war zone. Every spring when I go back, the water has to be boiled to be drunk or I have to pay to drink water". That a member of a community who has not abrogated his rights to his territory, and that formerly had free access to its resources must now pay for it reveals better than any statistic can the folly of globalization policies driven by rampant consumerism and greed: garbage that must be hidden in lakes and countrysides because of our material appetites, the burning of fossil fuels which produces greenhouse gases which in turn impel us to use more resources to repeat the same destructive pattern; our need to consume goods made under environmental and social duress in distant southern plantations and sweatshops while ignoring local conditions and effects.

In response to these critiques, globalization's proponents produce laughable stereotypes and comments about activists; Jean Chretien, the Canadian prime minister, in a typically articulate moment, accused activists protesting the Summit of the Americas of coming to "have a good time, blah, blah, blah". Others accuse protestors of being rabidly violent, unwitting dupes of romantic philosophies, ignorant of the needs and desires of the "Third World", and even of perpetuating poverty by critiquing globalization. The bizarre incoherence and fear seen in these comments clearly show that despite the massive financial, military, and political resources weighed against anti-globalization activists, those who do construct such economic treaties are on the defense, scared of the consequences of a mass-mobilized movement working for its own interests instead of that of the economic elite. It shows experts, officials, and corporate hacks flailing wildly for a rational response- and lacking one, resorting to lies and violence. When the Summit does begin this weekend, protestors will respond to the irrationality and monstrosity of globalization with puppets, songs, drama and dances that reveal the true faces, intentions, and results of globalization. In this vivid form, those perpetrating violence in the name of human development are revealed in true form.

But even before the unmasking of violence occurs at demonstrations, marches and civil disobedience actions this weekend, the residents of Quartier St. Jean Baptiste in Quebec City have already begun this process. Situated right next to the 3- kilometre long fence protecting visiting trade officials, and at the site of one of the demonstrations planned by Anti-Capitalist Convergence, the residents of St. Jean Baptiste, frustrated at the militarization of their neighborhood, involving continuous patrols by police and restrictions on movement, have already reclaimed their neighborhood from those planning economic devastation in the name of free trade. Along the security fence, residents have decorated the ugly concrete and metal edifice with balloons, slogans, graffiti, political rants and children's paintings. The fence, formerly a mechanism of state violence and control, has thus been reclaimed as an object of the community's creativity and energy. In response to several months of government rumours and fears spread about the impact of anti-globalization protestors, residents are planning to further their dissent with summit organizers, and reveal their solidarity with activists by organizing 5 minutes of noise each night of the summit at 11:00 pm. Using pots and pans, stereos, and their own voices, Quartier St. Jean Baptiste residents will noisily reappropriate their streets from the state's oppressive control.

It is always important to bring the story of globalization, and opposition to it back to the local context, where it is visibly revealed in tangible emotions, plans, art, words, and noise. After all, the greatest victory of globalization's proponents has been to depoliticize labour, the environment, and society as a whole. Instead of seeing cultures and ecologies as repositories of values, morals, creativity, history, and life, corporations and their henchmen in the WTO, IMF and World Bank see only quantitative resources to be exploited, hours to be worked, commodities to be made and sold, and profit margins to be pushed higher. Debate is cleverly neutralized by referring only to potentials, factors, indicators, and goals.

Yet to be able to voice the central effects of globalization is to understand the frustration, pain, exhaustion, disengagement, fear and rage of ordinary people everywhere in response to policies and projects imposed upon them by distant elites. Among these people is the farmer who has lost her farm because of exorbitant seed prices set by agribusiness; the indigenous person whose land was flooded by a dam constructed by multinational engineering companies; the woman working 12 hours daily in inhumane conditions at the sweatshop for Disney, Panasonic or Nike; and the urban slum dweller, forced into homelessness because IMF-imposed austerity measures have eliminated their government's social programs such as affordable housing. Thus, like the Kosan of Ecuador who articulate resistance against oil companies through a refusal to violate their spirits, the Cree who vigorously maintain their refusal to be eliminated as a nation and people by southern governments and corporations; and the residents of St. Jean Baptiste in Quebec city, who refuse the militarization of their neighborhood and reappropriate it by decorating fences and blaring music, the activists converging in Quebec City this week are vigorously resisting free trade and globalization policies not only in defense of their political rights and environmental resources, but also in the name of their basic humanity, dignity, and freedom.

Web Site
22 Април 2001 02:39
Published on Friday, April 20, 2001 in the Toronto Globe & Mail
41 Leaked Pages of 'FTAA — Negotiating Group on Investment'
When You Get What You Wish For
by Paul Knox
The article is here

Quebec City — Be careful what you ask for, the saying goes. You may get it. And we got it yesterday, 41 leaked pages of the most tortuous, turgid prose you could possibly imagine.
Intelligent people who know a lot about this stuff say the document headed FTAA — Negotiating Group on Investment is a road map for multinational corporations to bulldoze governments out of existence. They may well be right. But I have to say, my first reaction to it was a wave of sympathy for the poor souls doomed to negotiate trade deals, and the critics whose grim mission is to keep them honest.

This is the first leak to trickle out of talks on the proposed Free Trade Area of the Americas — a new economic constitution for the Western Hemisphere. It is one of nine draft chapters, and you can find it at http://www.iatp.org — the home of a U.S. activist group that was lucky or smart enough to score this coup. If by some miracle it leaves you begging for more, don't despair. In a few weeks, the whole dreary book will be officially released, thanks to the pressure of activists organizing around this weekend's Quebec City summit.

If nothing else, the leaked chapter highlights the serious difficulties facing FTAA negotiators, who are trying to wrap up the agreement next year for implementation in 2005. They range from money to geopolitics to a lot of very real questions about just what it is that George W. Bush has in mind for the Americas, and whether he can be effective enough as president to pull it off.

But let's assume for the moment that the process has legs. There's enough in this document to indicate that many of the traditional tools of government stand to be stripped away in the name of ensuring equal, non-discriminatory access to markets. Big investors don't want Canada's Jean Chrétien, Venezuela's Hugo Chávez or any other pesky national leader telling them they cannot go somewhere to make money because they don't carry the right passport. Many of these are U.S. investors, and much of the most radical language is probably inspired, if not directly proposed, by U.S. negotiators.

The problem in analyzing the leaked chapter is that right now it's a mish-mash of alternative wordings. You can't tell which country is proposing what. And you can't measure the overall impact, since the potential impact of any given section depends on its relationship to all the others, and no one has signed off on anything yet.

Take the short Article 6, headed Fair and Equitable Treatment. It will probably amount to a couple of lines when they get finished with it. It's now four times that length. I counted five parts to it — with three alternative wordings for each of the first two, six each for the second two, and two for the final one. The general idea is to stop governments from wiping out the value of an investment by imposing arbitrary regulations. But limits as to which investments are covered have been proposed, and some alternatives are much more specific than others on the question of exactly what rights are being guaranteed.

Nevertheless, the broad direction is clear. Drastic limits are obviously being considered on the ability of governments to impose performance requirements on big investors. Again, nothing is certain. But the pact could wind up outlawing rules on domestic-content levels, technology transfer, local procurement or the final destination of goods and services produced.

Moreover, somebody — probably the United States — is trying to replicate the much-maligned section of the North American free-trade agreement that allows corporations to sue governments, claiming discriminatory treatment. As Toronto trade lawyer Steven Shrybman points out, this amounts to a hemispheric charter of rights for entities that are not even parties to the agreement, and who are not obliged to take on any duties or responsibilities in return.

Here's where the arguments of free-trade critics begin to make sense.

Why, on the face of it, should the chapter assure investors' rights and not workers' rights? Or basic human rights, for that matter? They, too, could be jeopardized by a sweeping investment regimen.

In return for vastly improved market access, wouldn't it be reasonable to require environmental and social assessments of major investments, disclosure of key details and monitoring of their impact?

In the past, that would have been considered an impermissible infringement of national sovereignty. But we're in a new game now. If free trade's proponents really believe it will better the human condition, why should they be afraid of putting it in writing?

Copyright © 2001 Globe Interactive


What's Wrong With The FTAA?
FTAA Chapter on Investment Now Public
The Investment Chapter deals fundamentally with whether investor rights will take precedence over labor, human and environmental rights.
Read it here! (HTML)

Read it here! (MS Word)

Check out the IATP Press Release on FTAA Investment Chapter.

People from throughout the hemisphere are gathering this week in Quebec City for the Free Trade Area of the Americas negotiations. IATP's Kristin Dawkins and Dr. Steve Suppan have contributed articles to "A Critical Analysis of the US Negotiating Positions on FTAA," for the Alliance for Responsible Trade. To read their comments and those of other leading critics, go to:

Free Trade Area of the Americas website
Summit of the Americas website
Stop the FTAAwebsite

Check back here later this week, as Kristin Dawkins reports on the negotiations from Quebec City.
22 Април 2001 03:48
Какъв КАРНАВАЛ бе журналисти, майстори сте на отвлечените заглавия. манифестацията в град Квебек е мощен протест от представители на народа на страните на Америка, срещу МОНДИАЛИЗАЦИЯТА , срещу хегемонията на мултинационалните компании и в частност на тези на Щатите. Това не е карнавал а мотивиран ПРОТЕСТ срещу монополите, чиято единствена цел са печалбите, за сметка на истинската демокрация и замърсяването на природната среда. Самия факт, че беше издигната 3 километрова, висока три метра стена за защита на "народните "избранници, т.н. СТЕНА НА СРАМА показва огромното разминаване между официалната демагогия и тъжната истина. Ние сме май на светлинни години от сегашното развитие на световното мислене. Ние не се борим за нищо, а чакаме все някой да ни даде, да ни спаси , да ни вкара в Европа, за което и нямаме ясна представа какво би ни донесло. Направете справка с европейската преса , дали има подобни заглавия.
22 Април 2001 04:27
Za anonimen.Vizdal sum sled kato imam 11godini uslovni prisudi.Dori prez 80 godini v policijata na N.J Woodbridge bih policai.Imah vazmoznoata samo dva puti da go udara zashtoto drugute chingeta ni razdeliha.Sudjta dade zapoved predi deloto da se pregledam v psihiatrijata.Otidoh dadoha mi 4 lista da otgovora na vaprosite obshto 98.Otgovorih i gi dadoh na sestrata.Sled 30 min.izleze doktora s listata i me pita zashto sa me pratili.Bez da me vkarva v kabineta si a v chakalnata.Obasnih mu che tova chiga doide v doma mi po pokana na moiya kvartirantka i s pistolet me zastavi da i vurna depozita .Kazah che po zakon se vrushta depozit samo kogato kvartiranta napusne.Da ne plasha decata platih i vednaga otidoh vpolicijata da se oplacha.Sled dva chasa doide chingeto i poneze pochna da zuze che ne vadil pistolet sreshtu men az izgubih kontrol i go prasnah dvd puti pred ochite na vsichki.Na deloto suda napravi dismis.No ot tozi moment vinagi kogato me sudeha ostavjaha me posleden i idvashe dopalnitelna ohrana.Ot vaprosite 98 az otgovorih na 96pravilnoZatova mraza chingeta po celia svet ta dori i da sa pravi po nekoga.Na FBI rekord na komp. mozesh da prochetesh moeto dosie samo za $3.
22 Април 2001 10:41
Anonimen (2)
Ako mi svetnesh kak da kiriliziram German WINDOWS 2000, v International, na kojto nyama Bulgarski ezik (tam ima Baski,obache) shte sam ti mnogo blagodaren.
Sashto nyakakva informatsiya za kiriltza (Freeware) za Linux.
22 Април 2001 13:11
Outside the Fence:
Young Activists Inspired Despite Violent Protests at Quebec Summit
by Alejandro Bustos
Published on Saturday, April 21, 2001 at 10:18 PM by Canadian Press

QUEBEC (CP) - While images of police firing tear gas at protesters filled living rooms across Canada and around the world for a second straight day Saturday, a group of young Canadians described how participating in the demonstration against the Summit of the Americas changed their lives.
''Before I came here I always believed everything that the media said, and thought that the police were good citizens who protected people under the law,'' said Helen Choi, 19.

''But when I came here and saw how the police treated the protesters, I realized that the media doesn't always show how things really are. It was a wake-up call.''

Choi is one of five young people, aged between 14 and 21, who came to Quebec to film a documentary about the summit, a meeting of 34 heads of state from every country in the Western hemisphere, minus Cuba.

Tens of thousands of protesters have also been drawn to Quebec by the summit agenda's most controversial entry - the proposed Free Trade Area of the Americas. If implemented, the deal would create a gigantic free trade zone encompassing 800 million people from Alaska to the tip of Chile.

Critics say they proposed free trade bloc would remove the power of governments to regulate environmental, labour, educational and health standards. They also worry that it would extend the power of corporations to sue governments which already exists in such trade deals as the North American Free Trade Agreement.

The protesters, meanwhile, maintain that the federal government provoked a fight by calling in at least 6,000 police and 1,200 army personel to maintain security.

The police are armed with tear gas, pepper spray and rubber bullets. As well, a 3.8-kilometre chain-link fence guards the summit enclave.

But on Saturday, as hundreds of demonstrators fought running battles with police along the security perimeter, Choi and her companions were discussing how positive their experience had been.

Rather than focus on the violence - which involved a minority of demonstrators and overshadowed Saturday's peaceful protest march by tens of thousands of people - the group said they were inspired by the non-violent demonstration and said it inspired them to get involved in political debate.

''What we're trying to do is to show to the community that we can have some power,'' said Tosin Matti, who at 21 is the oldest member of the group. ''We are trying to be role models.'' Matti, Choi and their three documentary partners plan to screen their film to community members back home in Toronto. The plan is to generate discussion among their neighbours about the impact the FTAA could have on them.

But in a larger context, they want to learn about the important political and economic issues around them, while also engaging friends, family members and community residents about what is happening in their society.

For this young group - who, like the vast majority of protesters, refused to participate in any violence - being at the summit was both a political education and an empowering experience.

Group member Emmanuel Kedini, 19, said he first became politically aware when he joined a group called Civic Rights of Passage. That experience changed his life, he said.

''I used to think that the (provincial and federal) politicians and the city councillors were the only ones who could make decisions. But then I joined the (civic rights) group,'' said Kedini, who seemed to have a film camera permanently attached to his hand.

''Then I learned about politicians and power, and I realized that I could have some power as a youth.''

Seeing tens of thousands of people march peacefully in a common cause, he said, reinforced that lesson.

Adonis Higgins, 40, who is co-ordinating the project by the five young people, said Quebec should not be remembered for the violent protests. Rather, it should be remembered as a place that inspired young people to become politicial aware.

''It's great when we inspire young people to think about important issues,'' said Higgins as he walked toward the massive peaceful rally held Saturday.

''We are always looking for ways at getting young people involved.''

Copyright © 2001 Canadian Press

22 Април 2001 16:48
Не 3000 а 25000 протестанти дефилираха по улиците на гр. Квебек събота следобяд. През цялата нощ срещу неделя имаше многобройни сблъсъци между манифестанти и полиция. Цялото това народно недоволство имаше само едно значение, НЕ НА МОНДИАЛИЗАЦИЯ ОТ ПРЕДЛАГАНИЯ ТИП, без съгласието и за сметка на милионите. Според няколко авторитетни английски вестника " Сцените на улицата помагат на изясняване на явлението " Мондиализация". Малко по малко се очертават в общественото мнение картината на силите на КАПИТАЛА, в бързо движение по цялата планета и че силите на икономическата справедливост се опитват да го забавят или спрат напълно като предлагат истинска хуманна алтернатива" Що се отнася до вече изтрития термин за ДЕМОКРАЦИЯ, който се използува за най- недостойни цели, оказва се че президентите на 34-те страни нямат еднакво разбиране на това понятие. В един репортаж на Фидел Кастро само няколко месеца преди той даде великолепна, изчерпателна дефиниция на това понятие, подкрепени с множество примери, но как може един Буш, най- силния човек на планетата, да се учи от един Фидел. Могли ли са простите войници от гръцката държава да оценят мъдростта на Сократ. Нашите хора в правителството също могат да помислят по съдържанието на понятието ДЕМОКРАЦИЯ, което между впрочем доста добре е дефинирано от преди 2000години.
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