Хайде холан, имали примерно 10 овце, 20-30 кокошки и прасе, на туй богат ли се вика? Айде и една крава и едно магаре.

И винце са пийвали редовно. Ракийката отделно. Бе то било рай.

RUSSIAN DRINKING AND DIVORCE
The literature on Russia indicates a relatively
high level of drinking (e.g., Segal, 1990; Treml,
1982). Evidence also indicates that Russian con-
sumption has been increasing (e.g. Partanen,
1987; Sheregi, 1986). Sheregi (1986) noted that
per capita consumption rose from 0.88 liters in
1925 to 12.63 in 1980.
In spite of the serious drinking problem in the
Soviet Union, there has been relatively little so-
cial science research on it. The persistence of a
drinking problem in Russia has often been an em-
barrassment to party officials who saw it as a
remnant of the old capitalist order that would
eventually vanish (Partanen, 1987, p. 530). The
relative lack of research on divorce and drinking
may be attributed, in part, to a desire of former
state officials to ignore the problem or to mini-
mize its importance (Segal, 1990). Further, the
Russian state has derived a considerable amount
of tax revenue from the sale of alcohol. This fact
has been linked to the state's reluctance to ad-
dress the problem fully (e.g., Christian, 1987).
Explanations of Russian alcohol consumption
have tended to be constructed at the macro level
and have largely ignored marital status as a con-
tributing factor. Segal (1990, pp. 505-519) linked
aspects of the Soviet social and economic struc-
ture to the problem of Russian drinking. For ex-
ample, the Soviet economic system contributes to
stress and frustration in a number of ways. The
specific stress-producing mechanisms include a
low standard of living, shortage of housing, and
chronic shortages of consumer items. The average
Soviet woman may spend up to 2 hours a day
waiting in lines for consumer goods and services
(Segal, 1990, p. 513). In contrast to sluggish in-
creases in food supplies, alcohol production has
increased substantially, with alcohol becoming a
substitute for food in some instances (Segal,
1990, p. 516).
Many decades of Communist dictatorship, ter-
ror, and oppression have been linked to a model
of the Soviet national character (Segal 1990, pp.
485-505), which in turn can be linked to drink-
ing. There are, for example, literally millions of
forgotten Soviet people who experienced extreme
psychological stressors. These include those who
were persecuted and prosecuted for their political
and religious beliefs, survivors of the Soviet labor
camps, and veterans of World War II (Segal,
1990, p. 499).
The Soviet cultural style is said to be marked
by high rates of anxiety and authoritarianism, as
well as by a combination of contradictory traits
including tension between collectivism and indi-
vidualism, and between masculinity and feminini-
ty (Segal, 1990, pp. 500-505). Drinking is pic-
tured as a natural reaction to this cultural style.
Segal (1990, pp. 506-509) provides data that links
respective indicators of anxiety, authoritarianism,
and masculinity to national rates of alcohol con-
sumption. Russian drinking has also been linked
to other sociohistorical circumstances (e.g., Chris-
tian, 1987).

The Finnish Social
Democratic Party
and the Bolsheviks
David Kirby
The Grand Duchy of Finland was of importance to the
Russian revolutionaries of the twentieth century in several
respects. The frontier ran to within thirty miles of St
Petersburg: a short train journey would take the wanted
revolutionary into a part of the Empire where a different
code of law prevailed, and where a strong tradition of
constitutionalism flourished, despite the efforts of the tsarist
regime to weaken the privileges accorded to Finland in the
settlement of 1809. Through Finland, it was possible to
escape to the west, and after the programme of russification
began in earnest in 1899, there were many Finns who were
willing to assist the passage of refugees. Finland provided a
convenient bolt-hole, but it was also a place for hatching
plots and holding conferences. The Bolsheviks held four
conferences in Finland during the years 1905-1908, and the
Social-Revolutionary fighting committee had its headquarters
at the Tourist Hotel in Imatra during the autumn of 1906.
Although revolutionary activities by Russians in Finland
declined after 1908, the contacts made with individual Finns
during the decade of fairly intensive work in the Grand
Duchy (1898-1908) were to be put to use again during the
first world war.

In conclusion, it must be said that both the Finnish
SDP and the Bolsheviks used each other's good offices
without overmuch concern about closer understanding
between the two. For the SDP, the Bolsheviks were a useful
ally in the fight to secure recognition of Finnish political
independence, but on several occasions the Finns were
prepared to appeal to others for aid. They persisted in their
attempt to get international guarantees for any Russo-Finnish
settlement, despite Bolshevik warnings that such guarantees
would be worthless,43 and even after the Bolsheviks had
seized power they preferred to turn to the Constituent
Assembly to seek recognition of independence. Although
encouraged by the Bolshevik seizure of power, the SDP did
not actively seek to emulate the Russian socialists. The whole
Bolshevik concept of power was alien to the thinking of
nearly all the Finnish socialist leaders. When a Swedish
socialist delegation accused them of usurping democracy by
making revolution, Kuusinen was concerned to show that it
was to strengthen and extend democracy that the Finnish
reds had taken up arms.44 The principal achievement of the
red government was Kuusinen's draft constitution, which was
designed to place power in the hands of the people through
their democratically elected representatives in the Eduskunta.
True democracy was regarded as the necessary prerequisite
for the social revolution.4 5
The Finns provided refuge and financial aid for Russian
revolutionaries both in 1917 and before, and nearly all the
leading revolutionaries had contacts with Finland at one time
or another. Very few Russians however had much
understanding of the Finnish question, or of the Finnish
political scene.4 6 Lenin showed a keen appreciation of the
issue of Finnish national self-determination, but he was to be
disappointed in his expectations of a socialist republic
emerging from the husk of the bourgeois Grand Duchy. The
Finns went their own way and attempted a revolution in
their own tradition, to safeguard democracy. The brief
history of the Finnish red government serves to illustrate the
essential differences between the Finnish Social Democratic
Party and the Russian Bolsheviks, differences which the
leaders of that government were soon to appreciate in exile.

Нужно ли е да ти казвам, че не можеш да правиш изводи от фактите?

Който се е отървал от лапите на баба Меца е извадил късмет.Документирано е от Захарий Стоянов.

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