...из пресата : Der Spiegel : Donetsk Separatist Leader - 'We Are Not Citizens of Ukraine'
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| ...давайте версии - защо точно сега се появява такова интервю? На вниманието на трольовците - интервюто е публикувано в електронното издание на уважаван седмичник, сиреч не са рубладжии. SPIEGEL ONLINE 04/29/2015 05:38 PM Donetsk Separatist Leader - 'We Are Not Citizens of Ukraine' - Interview Conducted By Christian Neef Alexander Zakharchenko is the leader of the self-proclaimed Donetsk People's Republic, which is not recognized by the international community. In a rare interview, he says his greatest hope is that Moscow will annex his territory just as it did Crimea. The meeting takes place in an inconspicuous building on a commercial street in downtown Donetsk. There is no sign to indicate who resides behind the door where guards armed with automatic rifles are posted. After a brief walk up the stairs to the second floor, a man in a blue sweater whose right leg is wrapped in a bandage, sits behind a desk in a study. Two months ago, a sniper's bullet slammed into his lower leg. The incident occurred during fighting over the Ukrainian town of Debaltseve, which in February fell to the separatists who now control Donetsk. The man at the desk is Alexander Zakharchenko, the "leader," head of government and commander-in-chief of the self-proclaimed Donetsk People's Republic. He has the rank of major. After the separatists' victory in Debaltseve, the neighboring Luhansk rebel republic even awarded him the rank of general. Zakharchenko is a wanted man in the rest of Ukraine, where he is charged with establishing a terrorist organization. His name also appears on US and EU sanctions lists, which prevents him from traveling to the West. The fact that his office on University Street in Donetsk is so inconspicuous is a precaution. The head of the separatist republic has already survived one assassination attempt. As a result, he is unwilling to move to the former governor's administration building, where the government is now headquartered. The tall, exposed building on Pushkin Boulevard would be an easy target in an air strike. Zakharchenko, 38, has never been involved in politics before. He worked as an electrician in a mine, earned money illegally mining coal and attended but never finished law school. Zakharchenko first became a public figure in April 2014, when he and six armed men occupied the mayor's office in Donetsk to push through an independence referendum against the new government in Kiev. The war began soon afterwards. By May, Zakharchenko was the city's commandant, and three months later he became the head of the separatist government. To date, the biggest obstacle to true peace negotiations between the rebels and Ukraine is the fact that Kiev refuses to hold direct talks with Zakharchenko. But is it even possible to understand the Donetsk People's Republic without knowing Zakharchenko and how he thinks? Probably not. SPIEGEL spent months unsuccessfully trying to secure an interview with him, until last week, when the interview was approved. Zakharchenko rarely ever meets with people from the West. "It will be tough for you to return to Germany after this encounter with a 'terrorist,'" the separatist leader said. He responded calmly and readily to our questions, though some of his responses were filled with sharp irony. SPIEGEL: Mr. Zakharchenko, you say that the Ukrainian leadership is in the process of unleashing a new war. In fact, there has been shooting again along the cease-fire line -- at the Donetsk airport and near the port city of Mariupol. Has the Minsk agreement failed? Zakharchenko: The airport and the embattled town of Shyrokyne, near Mariupol are symbolic places, both for us and the Ukrainian army. Kiev wants to recapture the airport as quickly as possible. It has not abided by any of the terms of the Minsk agreement. Above all, it was supposed to establish direct contact with us, which hasn't happened to this day. SPIEGEL: So Kiev alone is to blame for the fact that there is still no peace? Zakharchenko: Ninety-percent of the demands in the Minsk agreement apply to Kiev. We have done everything conceivable. We have withdrawn military technology and we have handed over prisoners to the other side. SPIEGEL: All prisoners? Zakharchenko: What do you mean by all? We turned over the last 16 Ukrainians, but then the war continued, and each side is now taking new prisoners. And Kiev is not withdrawing its heavy weapons. SPIEGEL: You haven't done so, either. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) has confirmed that your people fired missiles at the city of Avdiivka in recent days. Zakharchenko: I can tell you why. If we withdraw our weapons and the other side fires at us, we have to respond. That's logical, isn't it? And that's why the heavy weapons are returning to their old positions. SPIEGEL: So the war is continuing. Zakharchenko: Because Kiev is illegally occupying part of our territory. We define "our territory" as the entire Donetsk region, within the borders that previously made it part of Ukraine. SPIEGEL: There are suggestions that Russia is still supporting you with troops and military technology. A badly injured Russian tank driver confirmed this in an interview. It's hypocrisy to continue denying it. Zakharchenko: Listen, two of my cousins are now here in the Donetsk People's Republic. They are Russian citizens, but they are also my relatives. One of them used to live in Astrakhan and the other in Irkutsk. One of them is a former career officer. Is that what you call Russian military aid? I say that my cousins have come here to help me. Kiev calls it Russian aid. Zakharchenko is unwilling to discuss the revelations of Russian soldier Dorzhi Batomunkuyev, who admitted in an interview in March that he and his entire tank battalion, consisting of 31 tanks, had been sent to Donetsk on Feb. 8. He said they had painted the tanks in camouflage colors at their home barracks, and that they were later ordered to turn over all documents and phones. According to the soldier, no one gave them any marching orders, and they only realized where they were going when they saw the sign for Donetsk city limits. SPIEGEL: Let's ignore the Russian army for a moment. How many men do you have under arms? Twenty-three thousand, as you said recently? Plus 60,000 reservists? Zakharchenko: There are more than that by now, but it's a military secret. Those 60,000 are volunteers who have signed up at the military commandants' headquarters and would take up arms in an emergency. SPIEGEL: It doesn't appear that you will be able to reach a political compromise with Kiev. President Petro Poroshenko describes the People's Republics of Donetsk and Luhansk as "occupied territory." You are now threatening to take over Mariupol and Kharkiv. Zakharchenko: I have always said that the Donetsk People's Republic is comprised of the entire former Donetsk region. We see any part that is not in our hands yet as being illegally occupied. Kharkiv isn't part of that. SPIEGEL: The borders of the old Donetsk region are still too far away for you. Zakharchenko: What do you mean by far? It's only 120 kilometers (74 miles). SPIEGEL: How do you intend to capture this additional territory? Zakharchenko: The faster, the better. And by peaceful means, if possible. There is no sign of a peaceful settlement, with neither of the two sides willing to back down at the moment. Zakharchenko speaks quickly, and his facts and arguments are often contradictory. Like his opponent, Ukrainian President Poroshenko, the Donetsk "leader" is cherry-picking the elements of the Minsk agreement that seem beneficial to him, or he is reinterpreting it. It's a patchwork quilt of truth. Zakharchenko keeps repeating that he is not a politician but merely an employee who is serving his country, and that it is independent of Russia. Nevertheless, a portrait of Russian President Vladimir Putin hangs on the wall of his office, and the Russian flag stands behind his desk chair. The rest of the furnishings are from various eras. There is a set of knight's armor in the corner and leaning against the window is a Bulawa club, a symbol of the power of Ukrainian Cossack rulers. Modern pistols are displayed on a bookshelf, along with the collected works of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin. The separatists' mindscape seems both confused and diverse. SPIEGEL: Why did neither you nor the head of the Luhansk People's Republic want to the sign the agreement in Minsk in February that (German Chancellor) Angela Merkel, (France President) François Hollande and Vladimir Putin had negotiated? Zakharchenko: Because the first versions -- and there were 14 of them -- absolutely did not correspond with anything we could accept. In the end, we signed the one that contained the most advantageous terms for us at the time. SPIEGEL: Under pressure from Vladimir Putin. Zakharchenko: Yes, there was tremendous pressure -- not just from Russia but also from the Europeans and from Kiev. However, we see the Minsk agreement as only a first stage of a possible settlement. The other side, however, claims that the agreement settles all contentious issues. We insist on negotiating directly with Kiev. SPIEGEL: The Ukrainians want to see international peacekeeping troops stationed in the Donets Basin, the Donbas. Why do you reject this? Zakharchenko: According to the United Nations, there is a series of conditions for deploying such troops. Kiev would have to admit that a real war is taking place in Ukraine, and it would also have to declare a state of war. But Poroshenko doesn't want that, because the International Monetary Fund would then refuse to provide additional loans. Besides, we are capable of solving the problems here ourselves. Foreign troops would hardly be able to stop the combat operations. SPIEGEL: Some members of the Russian parliament, the Duma, want to see Russian peacekeepers sent to the Donbas. Would that be an option? Zakharchenko: I just said that we need to solve our problems on our own. SPIEGEL: The Ukrainians first want to hold the regional elections in eastern Ukraine that they are demanding. You, however, insist that the constitution must be amended and that the status of the separatist territories defined. Months could pass before that happens. Zakharchenko: And why can't we solve these problems at the same time? Why can't the economic blockade be lifted first? SPIEGEL: If elections are held in your territory, will the citizens who fled to other parts of Ukraine after the war began also be allowed to vote? Zakharchenko: There are fewer of them than of the refugees who went to Russia. Until the war began, the Donetsk People's Republic had a population of 4.8 million. More than a million now live in Russia, and perhaps 2.3 million are still here. Another 700,000 are now in the territory of the Donetsk People's Republic occupied by Ukraine. SPIEGEL: You expect them to support you. The Kiev government is supposed to take full control of the border with Russia right after the elections. Will you ever accept that? Zakharchenko: In reality, the point is that we will take over control. In accordance with the Minsk agreement, we have formed a border service, and the development of border posts will be completed within the next three weeks. Crossing the border illegally will no longer be possible then. SPIEGEL: If you are the only ones controlling the border, Russian military technology will continue to flow freely into the country. Zakharchenko: Have you ever seen them at the border yourself? SPIEGEL: You don't let us go there, and not even the OSCE, with a few exceptions. But the battle for Debaltseve in February would not have been possible without Russian help. Zakharchenko: I commanded 587 men when Debaltseve was captured. Believe me, I didn't see a single regular Russian military unit. And I was wounded there myself. SPIEGEL: Many rebel groups are fighting independently on your side. Do you even have any control over these armed units anymore? Zakharchenko: According to Minsk, we were required to disarm units that were not part of the people's army or the territorial defense battalions. This was done without any excesses, and these people were incorporated into the Interior Ministry or other battalions. But the world in his republic isn't nearly as orderly as Zakharchenko tries to portray. His men in the Defense Ministry do see the disarming of rebels acting independently as a problem. The program only began in April, they say, and in the first five days alone, 65 men were arrested for refusing to give up their weapons voluntarily. SPIEGEL: Have you ever considered a federation with Ukraine a possibility? Zakharchenko: I did a year ago. But that's over now. SPIEGEL: You now want Russia to recognize your republic. But that would "immensely complicate" a resolution of the conflict, says German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier. Zakharchenko: Germany should recognize us even sooner. It would make like easier for the people here. SPIEGEL: Conditions have been poor in your republic since the economic blockade began. What are you doing to combat the problem? Zakharchenko: We have started paying out pensions, we are slowly getting coal production up and running again and the railroad will be operating again soon. Be it coal or metal, we will return to 2014 production levels. SPIEGEL: Is the money for the pensions coming from Russia? Is that why they are being paid in rubles? Zakharchenko: We supply coal to Russia, and we are paid in rubles. But do you think Ukraine could survive without our coal? It is buying through all kinds of circuitous routes. The EU is also interested, including Bulgaria, Poland, Romania and especially Spain. That means we get rubles, hryvnia and dollars. SPIEGEL: Who do you think should pay for the reconstruction of the Donbas? Zakharchenko: Ukraine, of course. It destroyed everything here. SPIEGEL: Ukraine is practically bankrupt. Zakharchenko: We don't care if Ukraine is bankrupt. We are not citizens of Ukraine. We will present them with our bill. Perhaps German money will also help. During the interview, Zakharchenko repeatedly mentions the "fascists" in Kiev. He is critical of the fact that Poroshenko's government is receiving €500 million ($550 million) from the "iron chancellor," Angela Merkel. He insists that his People's Republic is in fact entitled to the money, as compensation for its war losses. But the German money is being "stolen" in Kiev, he argues. It is obvious that the leader of the People's Republic is entirely reliant on Russia. The ruble has already found its way into Donetsk, where the Russian currency can be used to pay for gasoline at filling stations. Ruble cash registers can also be found in supermarkets and items on restaurant menus are priced in rubles. Still, there is a touch of melancholy in Zakharchenko's final answer. The interview has already been underway for an hour, and at times it has turned into a heated argument. In the end, a long argument ensues between the separatist leader and the reporter over whether the uprising on Maidan Square in Kiev was a coup d'état and the current Kiev government is a "fascist junta." Zakharchenko still insists that his republic is fighting fascists, and says that Russia feels the same way. SPIEGEL: Nevertheless, your former prime minister, Alexander Borodai, regrets that Russia doesn't support the desire for independence by the people in the Donbas in the same way it supports Russians in Crimea. Do you agree? Zakharchenko: That's his personal opinion. But if there were a "Russian spring" here, as there was in Crimea, I would vote for it with both hands. Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan | |
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SPIEGEL: How do you intend to capture this additional territory? Zakharchenko: The faster, the better. And by peaceful means, if possible.  |
The faster, the better. And by peaceful means, if possible. Напрао ше помоли укрите да се присъединят към републиките мирно и доброволно, и те като хукнат.... Пакет гречка на седмица! И консерва тушенка на двама....кой ти ги дава..... |
| ...хади, щото съм строг, но справедлив - нещо за трольовците, за любимия Стрелков/Гиркин, да има с какво за се разводнява темата - не забравяйте - основното предизвикателство е интервюто на Захарченко по-горе, а не битата карта Стрелков. И както винаги - отбележете - източникът не е .ru или .ua, по-сериозен е. 03/18/2015 Russian Far-Right Idol : The Man Who Started the War in Ukraine By Benjamin Bidder Strelkov claims to have convinced Russian President Putin to start the war in eastern Ukraine. The right winger is seen as a hero by the Russia's extremist fringe. And he is continuing the fight to return his country to its past glory. The man who brought the war to eastern Ukraine speaks in a cool and composed manner. His moustache and ramrod-straight posture are both reminiscent of an officer from the Czarist military as he holds court in his office located in a former industrial park in the south of Moscow. His passport bears the name Igor Girkin, but all of Russia knows him under his nom de guerre Strelkov, which roughly translates to "marksman." And even though he is seen in the West as a terrifying figure, Strelkov, born in 1970, has recently become something of a hero to the Russian right wing. He is among those powers who believe that Putin is not acting decisively enough in eastern Ukraine -- and who have a deep hatred for opposition activists such as the recently murdered Boris Nemtsov. Strelkov's office floor is covered with expensive parquet and he sits behind a large, dark-wood desk. "I dream of a Russia in its natural borders," he says. "At least those of 1939." He claims to have been the one who convinced Putin to intervene militarily in Ukraine, at a time, he says, when the Kremlin was still debating the proper approach to the country. "I was the one who pulled the trigger for war," Strelkov boasts. In our conversation, he compares himself to the Bosnian-Serb nationalist Gavrilo Princip, whose assassination of Austria's heir to the throne Archduke Franz Ferdinand in 1914 set off World War I. Early last week, the trailer for a documentary film made waves in Russia because it showed Russian President Vladimir Putin candidly admitting for the first time that he decided on the annexation of the Crimea Peninsula in the immediate wake of the toppling of Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych. Strelkov, though, says that he was already in Crimea on Feb. 21, 2014, the day that Yanukovych fled Kiev. Prior to that, he spent time on Maidan Square in Kiev scouting his future opponents. Continuing His Fight But his big moment would only come later. In April 2014, Strelkov, joined by armed irregulars from Russia, marched from Crimea to the provincial city of Sloviansk, which is strategically located between the population centers of Donetsk and Kharkiv. "In the beginning, nobody there wanted to fight," Strelkov recalls. He and his men attacked a police station in Sloviansk and created facts on the ground. Later, he became the so-called defense minister of the separatist Donetsk People's Republic -- and a bit too well known for Putin's comfort. Indeed, last August, the Kremlin ordered him to return to Moscow from Donetsk, a command that Strelkov still hasn't gotten over. Having now moved into his new office -- on the site of a former copper factory -- Strelkov is continuing his fight. Some of his followers are hunched over computer monitors, a couple of them are even wearing camouflage uniforms, just as they did on the eastern Ukraine front. Now, they are cutting PR videos and editing press releases. One of them calls out in frustration: "A grenade launcher is easier to operate than this computer!" Strelkov says that his new adversaries are the adherents of the liberal opposition who, he believes, are planning a pro-Western revolution on the model of Kiev's Maidan Square in Moscow. When asked if he regrets the death of the murdered opposition leader Boris Nemtsov, Strelkov's press spokesman intervenes, concerned that the question is too provocative. But the rebel leader answers anyway. "Nemtsov had no talent and no accomplishments. He was an enemy of the Russian state and of the entire Russian people." But does he approve of his murder? No, Strelkov says, because it damages Putin. Before Strelkov entered the spotlight as a result of the war in eastern Ukraine, he even saw President Putin as being part of the enemy camp. He insulted him back then as being a "Latin-American dictator-light," whose power was dependent on his corrupt friends. Strelkov often blasted Putin in Russian Internet forums, once writing that he wasn't any better than the opposition: Both, he wrote, "are two flanks of the same anti-Russian front." Yearning for a Stalinist Dictator A picture of Putin in a Navy uniform hangs in Strelkov's office, but he still believes the president is too liberal and too weak. Strelkov wants to see the reemergence of a Russian empire under the leadership of a totalitarian leader and dreams of a czar in the mold of Stalin. Mankind, he says, has "too little experience" with democracy which is why he is a "proponent of an Orthodox monarchy," Strelkov says. The decorations he has chosen for his office testify to such attitudes, with a portrait of Czar Nicholas II on his desk and a golden icon hanging on the wall. In the Ukraine crisis, the Kremlin gave people like Strelkov a long leash and state television provided a platform to neo-fascists and Stalin supporters so that they could rage against the West. Putin himself adopted their imperialistic slogans by often referring to the "Russian world." That world, Strelkov says, should include Belarus, Georgia, Armenia and perhaps even Central Asia. But Ukraine is definitely part of it, in his view. "The real separatists," he says, "are the ones in Kiev, because they want to split Ukraine off from Moscow." Russia's right wing finds itself in a love-hate relationship with the Kremlin. The nationalists love Putin's martial appearances, but consider him to be far too hesitant. Some even believe he is working for the West. "Why didn't we destroy the Ukrainian army back in September?" Strolkov asks. When Strolkov appeared in Ukraine one year ago, news outlets identified him as a member of the Russian military intelligence agency GRU. But the truth is more complex: Strolkov was a senior officer in the domestic intelligence agency FSB, in Chechnya among other places. But he is also fanatically pursuing his convictions, just like many of the Russians fighting in Ukraine. Ukraine was Strelkov's fifth war. In 1992, he joined the fight in Transnistria on the side of the pro-Moscow separatists. He then volunteered for both of the wars in Chechnya and even joined the war in Bosnia, fighting for Serbia in a unit of Russian volunteers called the "Czarist Wolves." In eastern Ukraine, Strelkov handed down death sentences on his own, citing a World War II decree issued by the Soviets in the summer of 1941 following the German invasion. Gorbachev's Treason Strelkov is a character from the depths of the post-Soviet society: extremist, but not atypical for men of his generation. For many of these men, 1991 was the key year in their biographies with the Soviet Union, the country they grew up in, disintegrated around them. Just as Russia has failed to find its place in the world since then, Strelkov and men like him have failed to find their place in the new Russia. Some have developed an admiration for Stalin while others, like Strelkov, want to see a return of the monarchy, but the two camps are not at odds. Most of these men are now in their forties, with many having married young and, like Strelkov, divorced young. Bourgeois life offered them little. They had little interest in buying new cars or taking trips abroad and they see Mikhail Gorbachev's perestroika as treason. Indeed, they are the losers of the massive changes Russia has undergone in the last three decades and see the current conflict with the West as Russia's great chance to avenge itself for losing the Cold War. Strelkov believes he is fighting on the front lines in a vast war, one in which Russia will reclaim its proper place in the global order. It is a worldview with plenty of enemies, including Europe, the US and Russians who don't think the way he does. Indeed, Strelkov doesn't just count opposition activists like Nemtsov among his list of adversaries, elements of the Kremlin elite are also suspect. "The highest officials have close ties with the oligarchs and with the West," he says. Strelkov's presence in Ukraine was initially a boon for Russian propaganda, giving the war a face. Because he has a thing for old uniforms and for reenacting past battles, he has an aura of eccentricity about him, but many Russians see him as being austere, chivalrous and, most important of all, not corrupt. Newspapers have lauded him as a "Russian Che Guevara" and "Generalissimus of the people." The Kremlin propaganda machine transformed Strelkov into a national hero almost overnight. But now, it looks as though Russia's leaders no longer have him totally under control and he has become the figurehead of the Russian far right, many of whom are critical of Putin for not having already annexed Donetsk and Luhansk. It is questionable whether this radical element of Russian society will continue to feel bound to the Kremlin on the long term. Moscow is allowing "the Donbass to become scorched earth," Strelkov says, adding that the president must finally impose order in the Kremlin. The word Strelkov chooses when making that demand is "purge," which reminds everyone in Russia of the terror Stalin unleashed on the country. Reconciliation with the West, he says in parting, is no longer possible. "I hope that Putin understands that as well." URL: http://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/the-ukraine-war-from-perspective-of-russian-nationalists-a-1023801.html | |
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| Кое точно е сензационното в интервюто на Захарченко че не разбрах? Че щял да превзема цял Донбас, това си го плещи от една година. Че не били украински граждани, тоже, за какво тогава ревът за украинските пенсии ? Единствената сензация беше че от Шпигел зле интерпретирали думите му че върнал тежкото въоръжение обратно, и на другия ден имаше истерично скоростна реакция от страна на Захарченко че нямало такова нещо и не бил го казвал. Тежкото въоръжение е отведено напълно, неколкократно изрично го подчерта. Повечето от тежкото въоръжение на украинците си седи на фронтовата линия и не мислят да го отвеждат. Е тука вече трябва да светне. пп Към това минорните тонове в изказванията на Путин и Медведев за руската икономика, проблемчето с Газпром и близо двадесет кратно намалялата му печалба спрямо миналата година.......няма го вече бликащият хумор че със санкциите ЕС се прострелял сам в крака а Русия щяла да си внася марулите от южна африка.....такива ми ти работи. Някой много, ама много го е страх да не падне Минск 2 и да дойдат нови санкции, и този някой не са укрите или западняците. | |
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Повечето от тежкото въоръжение на украинците си седи на фронтовата линия и не мислят да го отвеждат. Ми хубу. Тъкмо е на куп. |
Към това минорните тонове в изказванията на Путин и Медведев Тъй ли? Ама знаеш ли кво е "минорно" - да не го бъркаш с "мажорно"? Президент уверен, что в необходимости адаптироваться к новым условиям «есть определённые плюсы». «Но в целом уже понятно, что никакого коллапса нет и не будет. Для всех очевидно: фундаментальные основы российской экономики укрепились и стабильность не может быть разрушена абсолютно» | |
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Кое точно е сензационното в интервюто на ...а кой твърди, че е сензационно, аз (се) питам защо сега, точно преди обяда на Mutti се публикува това интервю, защо директно се огласява позицията и тезите на другата страна - на опълченците, сепаратистите, наречете ги както искате?Ще се съгласите, че това "не сме граждани на Украйна" някакси е в унисон с предупрежденията на Щайнмаер и Меркел към Порошенко да спазва Минск 2 и да проведе конституционната реформа преди местните избори? Или ще го отречете? | |
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| Санкциите действат, ЕС има най добрите си резултати от 2009 г. насам а Русия навлиза в поне две годишна рецесия. И нарушаване на Минск, нови санкции и нови разходи при възобновяване на бойните действия никак няма да и се отразят добре. За това и в момента Путин прави всичко възможно да задържи примирието, въпреки постоянните провокации от страна на украинците, въпреки засиленото присъствие на НАТО, американски инструктури и тн. Крымнаш все повече се превръща в крышнам. |
ЕС има най добрите си резултати от 2009 г ...лъжеш.За това и в момента Путин прави всичко възможно да задържи примирието, въпреки постоянните провокации от страна на украинците, въпреки засиленото присъствие на НАТО, американски инструктури и тн. ...мигар признаваш, че украинците са провокатори? ...и присъствие на НАТО в Украйна? ...това вече е развитие... | |
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| @Raven 30 Апр 2015 13:28 Че не били украински граждани, тоже, за какво тогава ревът за украинските пенсии ? Имат пълното право да реват, щом са внасяли осигуровки в украинската пенсионна система, ако и да са граждани на Тувалу. Ама като не си наясно, поне не се обаждай за тези неща. |
ЕС има най добрите си резултати от 2009 г ...лъжеш. http://news.old.expert.bg/n445408 |
Имат пълното право да реват, щом са внасяли осигуровки в украинската пенсионна система, ако и да са граждани на Тувалу. Ама като не си наясно, поне не се обаждай за тези неща. Сирьозно?! Те кво, очакваха че ше развеят аквафреша с двуглавата пуйка и плаката "Путинн введи войска", ще изпотрепят десетина хиляди украински войници, ще обявят че вече не смятат за украински граждани и в замяна на това Киев ще им плаща пенсиите?! |
ще изпотрепят десетина хиляди украински войници, ...пак лъжеш, нали порошенко обяви АТО за успешно? Уважаеми, наистина има напредък при теб - призна украинците за провокатори, призна, че НАТО-то се е настанило в Украйна, сега признаваш за истинския брой на убитите по време на АТО, искай смяна на водещия офицер, дего вика камарад - да сменят лишчетата. |
ЕС има най добрите си резултати от 2009 г ...да се върнем на това - какви резултати се имат предвид - раждаемост, темпове на растеж, спестявания - какво?За размисъл, ей ти една информация от немски, не руски източник Die Wirtschaftskrise und der Konflikt zwischen Russland und dem Westen haben dem Energieriesen Gazprom bisher zwar einen Gewinnrückgang beschert, in die Knie zwingen konnten sie den russischen Konzern jedoch nicht. Im Gegenteil: angesichts der vielen Probleme, mit denen Gazprom konfrontiert ist, zeigt sich der Konzern erstaunlich robust. Видно е, че според международните счетоводни стандарти, Газпром е реализирал през кризисната 2014 година 2.8 милиарда евро печалба.Der Staatskonzern habe im vergangenen Jahr nach internationaler Rechnungslegung IFRS einen Überschuss von 159 Milliarden Rubel (2,8 Mrd Euro) erwirtschaftet, teilte Gazprom am Mittwoch in Moskau mit. 2013 war der Gewinn noch gut siebenmal größer. Eто ти и нещо за икономическия ръст в Европейския съюз, източник отново немски Deutsche Wirtschaftsnachrichten от края на януари 2015 - почернил съм най-важното - вярно, твърди се че от последващата година (повтарям, от 2017 отново нещата ще тръгнат нагоре като през 2010. Die EU-Kommission blickt deutlich skeptischer auf die Konjunktur in der Euro-Zone. Die Brüsseler Behörde senkte am Dienstag ihre Wachstumsprognose für dieses und nächstes Jahr kräftig und erwartet erst 2016 wieder spürbare Besserung. Die Wirtschaft in den 18 Euro-Ländern dürfte 2014 nur um 0,8 (bisherige Prognose: 1,2) Prozent und 2015 um 1,1 (1,7) Prozent zulegen. Im übernächsten Jahr dürfte es dann mit 1,7 Prozent so stark bergauf gehen wie seit 2010 nicht mehr, behauptet die Kommission. Deutlich pessimistischer als bisher sieht die Kommission die Aussichten für die drei Schwergewichte Deutschland, Frankreich und Italien. Auch der Internationale Währungsfonds (IWF) und die Industriestaatengruppe OECD hatten jüngst ihre Schätzungen kräftig heruntergeschraubt. | |
Редактирано: 1 път. Последна промяна от: проф. дървингов |
...пак лъжеш, нали порошенко обяви глеам нещо ти е скучно, я виж по нагоре по писаниците ми, сигурен съм че ше изръчкаш сума ти правописни грешки |
ей ти една информация от немски случайно да го имаш тва на суахили? или етруски? пак ти казвам, прегледай за правописни грешки, тук така се прави |
сигурен съм че ше изръчкаш сума ти правописни грешки Пишеш от - "2009-та насам", бутваш матрял от миналата година, в който се говори за "от три години", както и да го смятам, 2014-3=2011. Или ? А пишеш за сега. | |
Редактирано: 1 път. Последна промяна от: hamel |
| @Raven 30 Апр 2015 15:55 "Имат пълното право да реват, щом са внасяли осигуровки в украинската пенсионна система, ако и да са граждани на Тувалу. Ама като не си наясно, поне не се обаждай за тези неща." Сирьозно?! Аха, съвсем сериозно. Поинтересувай се защо България изплаща пенсии на изселниците в Турция, защо Германия изплаща също така пенсии на чужди граждани, работили в Германия и внасяли там осигуровки. А, има и други примери, но за тях друг път. Другите ти изказвания няма да коментирам, но за пенсиите не си прав. |